The last decade has witnessed the rise of the Smart City. Smart Cities, as they are broadly conceived, encapsulate the increasing embedding of technology into the urban infrastructures of cities across the globe^[i]. The smart city concept can best be understood as a constellation of features and potentials made up of big data, algorithmic governance and automated urban management^[ii], as well as citizens’ active engagements with technologies beyond mere ‘networked urbanism^[iii]’. Certain strands of scholarship on smart cities has claimed that the smart city represents a ‘techno-utopian fantasy’, bringing together neoliberal urban visions directed at economic growth and prosperity and efficient and equitable urban governance. Strands of this scholarship have highlighted the acute contradictions of smart urbanism, including its very different expressions across global North and South and digital divides^[iv]. Scholars working in human, urban and social geography have been particularly influential in understanding smart cities by exploring how people actually respond to new tech, amidst the wider context of big data and the digital/wider infrastructures that underpin the way cities are run and managed, as well as the kinds of social and spatial patterns that these systems produce^[v].

The city of Milan has been widely recognised as a leading innovator of urban smartness. Roberta Cocco, Councillor for Digital Transformation and Civic Services of the Municipality, suggests that Milan’s leading position in Italy on the technology front comprised of four pillars:

1) digital infrastructure (preparing the ground for transformation, including Wi-Fi, 5G and broadband),

2) digital services for citizens (to assist in public administration and bureaucracy),

3) digital education (to support citizens’ digital literacy in order to access digital services),

4) digital skills (promoting within the municipality and cross-sector partners to boost employment and careers)^[vi].

Cocco views Milan as a ‘model of experimentation’ in technological urban innovation, echoing a consensus within the municipality that other Italian cities will follow suit.

For example, through the first Milan Digital Week in 2018^[vii], the city has been publicising itself as a leading smart city, hosting numerous international events, (Figure 2), and symposiums ^[viii].

Milan’s status as a leading smart city was evident in its winning the inaugural Wellbeing Cities Award^[ix], having implemented 16 new projects that claim to promote wellbeing for the city and its communities. These range from art and education initiatives to the regeneration of particular areas of the city.

Ethnographic research conducted on the ground and online provides an opportunity to challenge this top down agenda. For example, Katrien Pype’s ethnographic research in Kinshasa, the largest and capital city in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, counters this with a perspective from the ground up, examining how residents engage with technology, combining their own expertise and creativity to produce variegated ways of “being smart in the city”. Pype asks:

‘Who is smart? And who is not? How does mastery over entering technologies relate to local repertoires of authority, power, and prestige?”^[x]

In my Milan research I have tried to explore processes of ‘smartness’ from above and below, and their inter-relatedness, with a specific focus on the response of middle and older age adults.

Routine practices in the culturally diverse neighbourhood I carried out research in included googling for health, navigating the city via geolocative maps and free WiFi zones in public space and institutions such as libraries, arranging community events, or engaging in daily WhatsApp communications.

My research shows how the use of smart city services is contingent upon socio-economic circumstances, accessibility of roaming data, WiFi, and connection speeds, and how people respond to technology in their lives. At the same time, the concept itself continues to be being challenged, as seen in the following student protest slogans in Milan during labour day protests in 2019:

 

Understanding the smart city speaks to the heart of our project and its commitment to examining the meaning of the term ‘smart’ by explaining and understanding more broadly what ‘smartness’ is, and is becoming – and for whom – in the city and beyond.

 

 

[i] Datta, A. ‘The Digital Turn in Postcolonial Urbanism: Smart Citizenship in the Making of India’s 100 Smart Cities’. In Transactions of the IBG. DOI: 10.1111/tran.12225

[ii] Leszczynski, A. (2016).  Speculative futures: Cities, data, and governance beyond smart urbanism. Environment and Planning A, 48, 1691–1708. Levien (2013). Regimes of Dispossession.

[iii] Graham, S., & Marvin, S. (2001). Splintering urbanism: Networked infrastructure, technological mobilities and the urban condition. London, UK: Routledge.

[iv] Luque-Ayala and Marvin (2015). Developing a Critical Understanding of Smart Urbanism’ in Urban Studies 52(12): 2106-2116.

[v] The work of Ayona Datta on Smart Cities https://ayonadatta.com and digital urban transformations in India https://ayonadatta.com , and Gillian Rose on smart cities and the (visual-digital) production of knowledge continues to be particularly insightful: https://www.urbantransformations.ox.ac.uk/project/smart-cities-in-the-making-learning-from-milton-keynes/

[vi] https://www.morningfuture.com/en/article/2019/04/17/smart-city-milano-roberta-cocco/596/ (Accessed: 19/11/19).

[vii] Milan has long been known for its world famous annual fashion week and design weeks, but since 2018 it has introduced ‘Milan Digital Week’, reflecting the city’s increasingly digital-orientated focus and shifts in the image of the city as predominantly fashion capital to the recent emergence as a digital capital, certainly of Italy, but also more broadly within Europe. https://www.milanodigitalweek.com

[viii] The founding of the ‘Milan Smart City Conference’ in November 2019 is a notable example of this contemporary push towards developing Milan’s leading reputation as a global smart city in the contemporary technological moment of the launch of the first applications for 5G. Three core concerns of the 2019 Milan Smart City Conference are stated as: ‘Infrastructure’, ‘Security’ and ‘Smart Mobility’. See the conference website here: https://www.smartbuildingitalia.it/en/smart-city-conference/

[ix] https://www.smartcitiesworld.net/news/news/milan-crowned-top-city-for-wellbeing-4212

[x] Pype, K. (2017). ‘Smartness from Below: Variations on Technology and Creativity in Contemporary Kinshasa’ in Mavhunga, C, C. What Do Science, Technology And Innovation Mean from Africa?; pp. 97 – 115

Conversations between people meeting for the first time are often marked by the question “where are you from?”. In some cases, this may be the natural utterance of, say, a curious neighbour, while in other contexts the question may be positioned and/or received as a significant political issue. Here in Milan, questions of roots and routes (Clifford 1997) have characterised many of my daily conversations with people. On the one hand this is perhaps not surprising, since I have chosen to conduct research within a ‘superdiverse’ (Vertovec 2007) neighbourhood, where identities blur, bend, and bounce in a myriad of compelling ways. In another sense, this can also be put down to my own presence here: the ethnographer with a not-so clear nationality, with a first name that sounds foreign for some, but familiar to others. This predicament of being myself una straniera (a foreigner) is proving a socially rich point of contact and connection with all kinds of people in this part of the city, particularly within the different activities I am involved in as a ‘participant-observer’, such as attending and assisting in Italian language classes for foreigners. But there is a deeper, historical facet to questions of origins in northern Italy that is a core facet of my ethnographic research.

Many people here in Milan can be regarded in one way or another as a migrant – including Italians from the south of the country, many of whom came during the economic boom of the 1950s and 60s. In his film Rocco and His Brothers (1960),
Luchino Visconti, a pioneer of the socially conscious Italian Neorealist cinema of the post-war period, shows how migrants and their families from the south faced significant social challenges in adjusting to the different experience and pace of urban, industrial life in the north – alongside the pain and nostalgia of missing or losing one’s home.

Throughout the course of the film, the Parondi family, recently moved to Milan, struggle between their traditional values – of family duty and honour – and the more individualistic society creating its vision of a modern lifestyle in the big city (Bondanella 2001: 196-199). Ultimately, the family unravels at the seams, highlighting, among other issues, the difficulties of integration.

In reality, over time, the majority of internal Italian migrants settled, secured jobs, got married, and begot future generations. Today, these are the elderly Italians that I meet, and who live side-by-side with newer generations of foreign migrants, who have themselves come to Milan in recent decades seeking work, following their families, and pursing economic stability.

In several instances in everyday life, such as at the local Friday market, all of these peoples can be seen sharing economic and social space, while in the political sphere, questions of identity continue to divide groups and foster allegiances.

This history of various mobilities has been described to me here as follows: “there is no Milanese – we are all foreigners!” Or, a similar sentiment put in the reverse sense, “no one is a foreigner” (see image below).

These expressions appear to emphasise the community’s general attitude of respect for the co-existence of many cultural and ethnic groups here. Their term ‘Milanese’ however is clearly not the same reference point as it is, say, for the wealthier, noble families who have been part of the city’s political and cultural life for centuries – including the family of Luchino Visconti. So while the framework of my study might have been positioned to compare the experiences of Italians with migrants, in effect I am unearthing the deeper historical issues of rupture and rearranged family structures, as well as the wider interplay between mobile phones and mobility, that affect all of these populations. The task, therefore, is to explore and illustrate precisely how these processes have as much to do with the different historical experiences of the various Italian populations, as they do between Italian and foreign others.

References

Bondanella, P. (2001). Italian Cinema: From Neorealism to the Present, 3^rd edition, Bloomsbury.

Clifford, J. (1997). Roots: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Harvard Universtiy Press.

Vertovec, S. (2007). ‘Superdiversity and its Implications’ in Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 30, Issue 6: New Directions in the Anthropology of Migration and Multiculturalism.