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Keeping up appearances: the importance of ageing smartly – by Charlotte Hawkins

Xin YuanWang24 November 2018

Author: Charlotte Hawkins

Gloria works for KCCA (Kampala City Council Authority) cleaning the roads, starting every morning at 6am. This often means she arrives late at the bi-weekly meeting of a support group for women in Godown where we first met. She hopes to set up her own business, investing in a machine for grinding g-nuts and sesame, but it would cost 2 million Ush ($535), capital she doesn’t yet have. Meanwhile, she said she makes ends meet by “joining hands together” with her sons, all in their 20s. She earns 180,000 Ush ($50) each month, putting 80,000 Ush ($22) on food and 20,000 Ush ($5.50) on beauty products, including make-up and hair oil. “Even without money I have to be smart. I don’t need to be shabby”. The rest goes on rent and her sons ‘top up’. I asked what they do when there’s a health emergency to pay for, and she said, “we rarely fall sick” thanks to her prayers: “when you light a candle for Mother Mary you cannot fall sick”.

Gloria’s hair and make-up collection. Photo by Charlotte Hawkins

Gloria’s candles for prayer. Photo by Charlotte Hawkins

Almost 10% of her monthly salary is invested in being ‘smart’, a word often used here to compliment the visible effort someone has put into their appearance, “you’re smart today!”. Gloria is not alone in stressing the importance of ‘keeping up appearances’, despite financial constraint; as one older man explained, dressing well and looking good are “a way of gaining public trust”. Or as at the weekly parties for a women’s savings group in Godown, the ways the beneficiary and her two ‘honourable members’ dress up is an important part of the celebratory proceedings. They often design and tailor their matching outfits, taking photos of each other and themselves on smartphones. Even the bar will be ‘dressed’ according to the beneficiaries’ preference, with different colour fabrics and lights draped on the ceiling and walls.

Women dancing and looking smart at a weekly party for their savings group. Photo by Charlotte Hawkins

Taking photos of a beneficiary, dressed up for her party. Photo by Charlotte Hawkins

It seems that another way to look smart, especially for older women, is to look young. According to my research assistant, who grew up in the area, many of our female interviewees lie when we ask their age, wanting to seem younger than they really are. Whilst being called ‘Jajja’ (grandmother) signifies respect, so do remarks on a deceptively youthful appearance. Ageing gains admiration, but particularly if you’re smart.

Togetherness is Strength: “making light the heaviness on one person” – by Charlotte Hawkins

ShireenWalton1 October 2018

Author: Charlotte Hawkins

The ASSA project is concerned with older people’s experiences, particularly related to health, and the impact of mobile phones on their lives. In Godown, my fieldsite in Kampala, this translates to a focus on the ways older people mobilise support for the health of an individual across family and community networks. Throughout Uganda, savings groups are a notable model of community support for individual health, popular particularly amongst the urban poor (Nakirya and State, 2013). Typically, a group of people meet weekly to save money together, with an opportunity take small loans from the savings. The Ugandan government have recently started to encourage savings groups “as a way of pooling resources together in order to facilitate development”[1].

To better understand the nature of community support in Godown, I’ve registered as an active participant of a savings group of 15 members, predominantly older men, all from Acholiland in Northern Uganda. The group name translates to ‘Togetherness is Strength’ and was founded by a group of community elders after a child was stillborn at the local government hospital; the child’s father had struggled to fund the transportation for the burial in his home village in Northern Uganda, “he had to pool resources within the night, so he saw it was a very big challenge if we had not helped him. So that was the birth of the group”. Over 5 years, the fund has accumulated about 20 million Ugandan shillings ($5250), which means there’s now a collective resource for emergency loans. As explained by the group Treasurer, this is particularly useful in times of poor health, “in our community, the income levels are very low, so in the event of one of them falling sick, he cannot even feed himself”. They also recently bought one young man a motorcycle for business purposes, which he pays off in monthly instalments with interest, later to be shared amongst the group. Every Sunday morning, they hold a meeting in a local bar, in which savings are counted and group elders advise their younger members (see image below).

Savings group meeting in Godown. Image (CC BY) project PI Daniel Miller

Whilst ensuring monthly contributions and loan repayments are maintained can be a challenge, the group represents the possibility of security through mutual collaboration, fundamental to individual, family and community health in Godown more broadly. As explained by the Vice Chairman, it is a “means of assisting ourselves, in times of grievance or happiness. We thought we should come together to form an association and make light the heaviness on one person.” Amidst conditions of socioeconomic precarity, savings groups such as this offer a form of risk mitigation through social insurance. There meets the traditional (ritual, conviviality, group solidarity) and the economic (financial and legal obligation, commercial organization) (Ardener, 1964: 222) ideals of this community, manifesting the experience of elder-led ‘togetherness’ in Godown.

Savings group meeting in Godown. Photo (CC BY) Charlotte Hawkins

References:

  • Ardener, S., 1964. The Comparative Study of Rotating Credit Associations. J. R. Anthropol. Inst. G. B. Irel. 94, 201.
  • Nakirya, J.W., State, A.E., 2013. “Nigiina”s as Coping Mechanisms of Peri-urban Low-income Mothers in Kampala, Uganda. East. Afr. Soc. Sci. Res. Rev. 29, 31–57.

[1] https://www.newvision.co.ug/new_vision/news/1485733/museveni-tours-kampala-wakiso, accessed 15.09.18

Avoiding Stress in Kampala’s “Jobless Corners” – by Charlotte Hawkins

ShireenWalton30 July 2018

Author: Charlotte Hawkins

Our health depends on how we conduct ourselves, what we eat, what we drink. …Alcohol has compromised a lot of health in Uganda today.  

(Elder in Kampala fieldsite, Godown)

A nationwide study by the World Health Organisation in 2016 found 10% of Uganda’s adult population have problems related to alcohol[1]. Excessive alcohol consumption can be a contributory factor to diseases such as cancer, mental illness and diabetes, as well as accidents, domestic violence, and other detrimental effects on family life. The drinking habits of some people in my chosen fieldsite, a low-income area in Kampala, are both a cause and consequence of socioeconomic problems in the home and beyond.

Drinking for leisure has long been ethnographically recorded as part of everyday life in Kampala (Southall and Gutkind, 1957: 22; Wallman, S and Bantebya, G 1996: 83). Today, gathering points are centred around bars serving home brews, waragi, ‘war gin’, or ajono, millet beer, and branded beers, whisky and gin. Groups of men, and a few women, sit around a large shared pot with long drinking straws. It is a chance to laugh, relax, tell stories and bond; what one community leader termed a “narrative exchange of ideas”. The home brews also offer an opportunity for women to make an income; small factories like those photographed below can be found across the country.

Women brewing waragi in Kampala fieldsite (above) and rural Northern Uganda (below)

Public drunkenness, “morning to sunset”, is the subject of censure. An elder in Godown thinks that drinking alcohol should be criminalised before 6pm, as it is in neighbouring Kenya. However, he also recognises that people resort to drinking out of frustration and boredom, with a lack of employment opportunities or “what to do”. As another pointed out, “you know if there’s no employment, people tend to start drinking, drinking without proper feeding”. The local councillor, whose job is to resolve disputes in Godown, finds that “over drinking” is the main cause of conflict, husbands beating wives who have lost patience with their spending. As the women’s leader in Godown explained, they are often left to provide for their families alone:

Their husbands drink. They don’t even help them. They just take. Now their place they call it ‘jobless corner’. Even those who are working, who work at night, they come very early in the morning to go and join them. So the little money they make from work, they spend it on drinking.

In some families, alcohol is bought at the expense of children’s education, further perpetuating the inaccessibility of employment. Laura Haapio-Kirk’s recent ASSA blog post examined the paradoxical relationship between overworking, stress and health in Japan. In Uganda, it is the absence of formal work opportunities which perpetuates a cycle damaging to personal, familial and communal health.

References

  • Southall, A and Gutkind, P (1957) Townsmen in the Making: Kampala and its suburbs, East African Studies. East African Institute of Social Research, Kampala, Uganda.
  • Wallman, S., Bantebya-Kyomuhendo, G., 1996. Kampala women getting by: wellbeing in the time of AIDS, Eastern African studies. James Currey ; Fountain Publishers ; Ohio University Press, London : Kampala : Athens.

[1] http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/global_alcohol_report/msb_gsr_2014_3.pdf,

The fruits of ‘olugambo’ – by Charlotte Hawkins

ShireenWalton28 May 2018

Author: Charlotte Hawkins

In many ways, mobile phones have allowed people in Africa to overcome the limits of state bureaucracy (de Bruijn and van Dijk, 2012: 12). To further credit the versatile potential of mobile communication, and the need for it, these limits have recently started closing in on mobile phone use in Uganda with two particularly contentious issues. Firstly, an embargo has been issued on SIM card registration to ensure the validity of existing data following a spate of unresolved kidnappings[1]. Secondly, President Museveni has proposed a tax on social media use in order to address the deficit. WhatsApp, Facebook, Skype, Twitter and Viber are all targets for the proposed daily fee of 100ush for all simcards using such “over the top” platforms[2]. According to the President, social media is used only for ‘olugambo’ or ‘gossip’.  He has exempted internet use for educational purposes, as “[i]t is like going to the library using the encyclopedia or referring to the dictionary. These must remain free”[3].

During fieldwork in the Ugandan context of intrinsic kinship (Whyte & Whyte, 2004: 77) and “scattered families”, I have observed many instances in which social media is used for more than ‘olugambo’, which itself is more than fruitless. As Tanja Ahlin notes in her study of migrant families’ care of elders through ICTs, phone practices are “not only about communication, just as remittances are not only about sending money” (2017). This frames an overarching question for my on-going research in Uganda; what are “over the top” platforms used for other than gossip? Many people have shown me how WhatsApp groups are used to circulate information –

I’m told that even the news of this proposed taxation reached 15,000 people in 10 minutes; “if anything seems to be relevant and effecting the lives of people directly, the messages tend to go very fast”.

WhatsApp groups also appear to be commonly used to share information about health. As one interviewee told me, he is part of a group with friends who are Doctors and teachers, “any information one of them gets, I get it here”. Or another, who recently found out the nutritional content of beetroot and bananas through his WhatsApp group and has started eating more of them. Or the hospital staff, who have a forum on WhatsApp for sharing information about patients and medical supplies, supporting health workers to do their jobs efficiently. As one message about the benefits of lemon peel circulated on WhatsApp recently stated, “thank goodness for Social Media…Pls forward to lots of friends”.

Photo (CC BY) Charlotte Hawkins. Tthis solar panel is used solely to charge the household’s phones, suggesting that access to communication is a priority.

[1] https://www.independent.co.ug/mtn-stops-sale-of-new-sim-cards/, accessed 03.04.18

[2] http://nilepost.co.ug/2018/03/31/tax-facebook-whatsapp-users-museveni-to-minister-of-finance/, accessed 03.04.18

[3] Ibid.

References

  • Ahlin, T., 2017. Only Near Is Dear? Doing Elderly Care with Everyday ICTs in Indian Transnational Families: Elderly Care with ICTs in Indian Families. Med. Anthropol. Q. https://doi.org/10.1111/maq.12404
  • de Bruijn, M., van Dijk, R., 2012. Introduction, in: de Bruijn, M., van Dijk, R. (Eds.), The Social Life of Connectivity in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
  • Whyte, S.R., Whyte, M.A., 2004. Children’s Children: Time and Relatedness in Eastern Uganda. Afr. J. Int. Afr. Inst. 74, 76–94. https://doi.org/10.2307/3556745

What Africa Can Do for Technology – by Charlotte Hawkins

ShireenWalton29 January 2018

The Economist recently published an article called ‘what technology can do for Africa’. The article covers key discussions around the potential of technological development in sub-Saharan Africa, but falls into pitfalls common to the subject. Determinism is evident in emphatic statements like: “countries are on the cusp of a tech-driven transformation that is already beginning to make people healthier, wealthier and better educated at a pace that only recently seemed unimaginable”. Mobile phones are top of the list, said to have made ‘leaps’ possible. This pervasive image of Africa ‘leapfrogging’ stages of ‘Western development’ with mobile phones in order to improve health, education, communication and business is certainly compelling. But in reality, many digital development practitioners are increasingly skeptical of this utopian ideal, said to be Western-centric (Suchman, 2002, 2011; Tunstall, 2013; Nussbaum, 2010) and to result in unsustainable ‘pilots’ (Holeman, 2017; Huang et al, 2017) which can leave new gaps in their wake.

The Economist article attempts to acknowledge this critique by countering optimism with evidence that the region’s infrastructure is increasingly “sluggish”. The below map of Africa is entitled merely ‘Ill-equipped’, and shows limited access to electricity and mobile phones across much of the continent; in Uganda, 25% and 41% respectively. Besides a few tech hubs, technological advancement and education are unfavourably contrasted with that of Silicon Valley and “the rich world”, from which “Africa risks falling even further behind”; implying a sense of failure, and of technology as a global race.

Through 16-months ethnography in Kampala, I hope to find a different middle ground with a more considered optimism towards ‘what technology can do for Africa’, or instead, ‘what Africa can do for technology’. In the article, Liberian medic Dougbeh Chris Nyan is poignantly quoted to say: “We are forced to be inventive to become masters of our destitution”. In line with Katrien Pype’s exploration of the meaning of technological inventiveness in Kinshasa, ‘smart’ solutions are built around constraints and ‘from below’ (2017). For example, mobile money, “the bank account in your pocket”, a pertinent example of technology adapted to African requirements.

How do people in Uganda appropriate mobile phones and mHealth to accommodate their preferences and needs? During my fieldwork, this question will direct an enquiry into the active role people take as users of technology. As evident in the pilots which do scale and survive, initiatives must begin and meet with sociocultural realities.

– Charlotte Hawkins

References:

  • Holeman, I. (2017) Human-Centered Design for Global Health Equity.
  • Huang, F., Blaschke, S., Lucas, H., 2017. Beyond pilotitis: taking digital health interventions to the national level in China and Uganda. Glob. Health 13.
  • Suchman, L., 2011. Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 40, 1–18.
  • Suchman, L.A., 2002. Practice-Based Design of Information Systems: Notes from the Hyperdeveloped World. Inf. Soc. 18, 139–144.
  • Pype, K. (2017) ‘Smartness from Below’, in What do Science, Tehcnology and Innovation mean from Africa? eds Clapperton Chakanetsa Mavhunga. MIT Press
  • Tunstall, E. ‘Decolonizing Design innovation: Design Anthropology, Critical Anthropology and Indigenous Knowledge’. In Gunn, W. Otto, T. Smith, R. (2013) Design Anthropology: Theory and Practice. Bloomsbury Publishing, London.